Literature:Bickel:1998

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Bickel:1998
Bickel, Balthasar (1998), Rhythm and Feet in Belhare morphology.ms. University of California, Berkeley, ROA 287 Available online: http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/287-1198/roa-287-bickel-2.pdf
Author Balthasar Bickel
Year1998
TitleRhythm and Feet in Belhare morphology
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BibKey: Bickel:1998
Entry typeUnpublished manuscript
Notems. University of California, Berkeley, ROA 287
URLhttp://roa.rutgers.edu/files/287-1198/roa-287-bickel-2.pdf
LanguagesBelhare
KeywordsKiranti
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@UNPUBLISHED{Bickel:1998,
   author = {Bickel, Balthasar},
   year = {1998},
   title = {Rhythm and Feet in Belhare morphology},
   note = {ms. University of California, Berkeley, ROA 287},
   url = {http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/287-1198/roa-287-bickel-2.pdf},
   language = {Belhare},
   keywords = {Kiranti},
   abstract = {In Belhare (Sino-Tibetan, Nepal), consonant prothesis at morpheme boundaries and deletion of stem ‘augments’ is found if either metrical or morphological parsing would violate the bimoraic trochee pattern that underlies the stress system of the language. This finding corroborates Dresher & Lahiri’s (1991) “Principle of Metrical Coherence” and provides new evidence for the cross-linguistic applicability of Crowhurst’s (1994) “Tautomorphemic Foot” constraint. The data also support a view of the Prosodic Hierarchy as weakly layered, allowing consonants to be directly dominated by the foot or word node if they are prothetic and do not therefore need feature licensing within the syllable canon.},
}

Abstract

In Belhare (Sino-Tibetan, Nepal), consonant prothesis at morpheme boundaries and deletion of stem ‘augments’ is found if either metrical or morphological parsing would violate the bimoraic trochee pattern that underlies the stress system of the language. This finding corroborates Dresher & Lahiri’s (1991) “Principle of Metrical Coherence” and provides new evidence for the cross-linguistic applicability of Crowhurst’s (1994) “Tautomorphemic Foot” constraint. The data also support a view of the Prosodic Hierarchy as weakly layered, allowing consonants to be directly dominated by the foot or word node if they are prothetic and do not therefore need feature licensing within the syllable canon.
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